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  1. a religion regarded as unorthodox or spurious; also : its body of adherentsSimilarly, the Random House dictionary's 3rd and 4th definitions are:

  2. a religion or sect considered to be false, unorthodox, or extremist

  3. the members of such a religion or sect

    Definition by the Christian countercult movement

    Walter Martin, the pioneer of the Christian countercult movement gave in his 1955 book the following definition of a cult::"By cultism we mean the adherence to doctrines which are pointedly contradictory to orthodox Christianity and which yet claim the distinction of either tracing their origin to orthodox sources or of being in essential harmony with those sources. Cultism, in short, is any major deviation from orthodox Christianity relative to the cardinal doctrines of the Christian faith." Robert Bowman defines cult as

:''"A religious group originating as a heretical sect and maintaining fervent commitment to heresy. Adj.: "cultic" (may be used with reference to tendencies as well as full cult status)."'' See also:

  • heresy

    Definition by secular cult opposition

    Secular cult opponents define a "cult"

as a religious or non-religious group which tends to manipulate, exploit and control its members. Here two definitions by Michael Langone and Louis Jolyon West, scholars who are widely recognized among the secular cult opposition: :''Cults are groups that often exploit members psychologically and/or financially, typically by making members comply with leadership's demands through certain types of psychological manipulation, popularly called ''mind control'', and through the inculcation of deep-seated anxious dependency on the group and its leaders.'':''"A cult is a group or movement exhibiting a great or excessive devotion or dedication to some person, idea or thing and employing unethically manipulative techniques of persuasion and control (e.g. isolation from former friends and family, debilitation, use of special methods to heighten suggestibility and subservience, powerful group pressures, information management, suspension of individuality or critical judgement, promotion of total dependency on the group and fear of of leaving it, etc) designed to advance the goals of the group's leaders to the actual or possible detriment of members, their families, or the community." ''

Points of view regarding definitions

According to Professor Timothy Miller from the University of Kansas, in his 2003 ''Religious Movements in the United States'', during the controversies over the new religious movements in the 1960s, the term aculta came to mean something sinister, generally used to describe a movement that was at least potentially destructive to its members or to society, or that took advantage of its members and engaged in unethical practices. But he argues that no one yet has been able to define aculta in a way that enables the term to identify only problematic groups. Miller asserts that acultsa are usually defined by anticultists by a list of attributes they possess (see cult checklist), but that such attributes are perfectly capable of belonging to groups that few would consider acultica, such as Catholic religious orders or many evangelical Protestant churches. Miller further argues that if the term does not enable the distiction between a pathological group and a legitimate one, then it has no value and it is in fact the religious equivalent of aniggera, it conveys disdain and prejudice without having any valuable content.Due to the usually pejorative connotation of the word "cult", new religious movements (NRMs) and other purported cults often find the word highly offensive. Some purported cults have been known to insist that other similar groups are cults but that they themselves are not. On the other hand, some skeptics have questioned the distinction between a cult and a mainstream religion. They say that the only difference between a cult and a religion is that the latter is older and has more followers and, therefore, seems less controversial because society has become used to it. See also ''anti-cult movement'' and ''Opposition to cults and new religious movements''.Unification Church member Lloyd Eby calls the third definition of Merriam-Webster problematic, because::''"...then we must ask: regarded as spurious or unorthodox ''by whom? Who has or was given this authority to decide what beliefs or practices are orthodox or genuine, and what are unorthodox or spurious? In the realm of religion and belief, one person's or group's norm is another's anathema, and what is regarded as false or counterfeit by one person or group is regarded as genuine and authentic by another.... This definition is entirely subjective: it means that if you think a religion is unorthodox, then you will call it a cult.''"

Cult, NRM and the sociology and psychology of religion

The problem with defining the word ''cult'' is that (1) purported cult members generally resist being called a cult, and (2) the word ''cult'' is often used to marginalize religious groups with which one does not agree or sympathize. Some serious researchers of religion and sociology prefer to use terms such as ''new religious movement'' (NRM) in their research on cults. Such usage may lead to confusion because some religious movements are "new" but not necessarily cults, and some purported cults are not religious or overtly religious. Furthermore, some religious groups commonly regarded as cults are in fact no longer "new"; for instance, the Jehovah's Witnesses have been around for over 100 years in the USA; Scientology is over 50 years old; and the Hare Krishna came out of Gaudiya Vaishnavism, a religious tradition that is about 500 years old. Where a cult practices physical or mental abuse, some psychologists and other mental health professionals use the terms ''cult,'' ''abusive cult'', or ''destructive cult''. The popular press also commonly uses these terms. However, not all cults function abusively or destructively, and among those that psychologists believe ''are'' abusive, few members would agree that they suffer abuse. Other researchers like David V. Barrett hold the view that classifying a religious movement as a cult is generally used as a subjective and negative label and has no added value; instead, he argues that one should investigate the beliefs and practices of the religious movement.Some psychologists who specialised in group psychology have studied what cognitive and emotional traits make people join a cult and to stay loyal to it. For example, see an analysis in the Gale Encyclopedia of Psychology http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_g2699/is_0004/ai_2699000433.Some groups, particularly those labeled by others as cults, view the "cult" designation as insensitive and feel persecuted by their opponents. They often believe their opponents to be part of the anti-cult movement.Such groups often defend their position by comparing themselves to more established, mainstream religious groups such as Catholicism and Judaism. The argument offered can usually be simplified as, "except for size and age, Christianity and Judaism meet all the criteria for a cult, and therefore the term ''cult'' simply means ''small, young religion''." According to the Dutch religious scholar Wouter Hanegraaff, another problem with writing about cults comes about because they generally hold belief systems that give answers to questions about the meaning of life and morality. This makes it difficult not to write in biased terms about a certain cult, because writers are rarely neutral about these questions. In an attempt to deal with this difficulty, some writers who deal with the subject choose to explicitly state their ethical values and belief systems.For many scholars and professional commentators, the usage of the word "cult" applies to maleficent or abusive behavior, and not to a belief system. For members of competing religions, use of the word remains pejorative and applies primarily to rival beliefs (see memes), and only incidentally to behavior. It should be noted that there is no clear causal connection between extremist belief and the formation of a so-called destructive cult. Most far-right hate groups are not cults, although they have pathological ideas and are frequently violent. Some groups regarded as cults have quite benign belief systemsthe devil is in the details of how the members relate to the cult's founder and inner circle.In the sociology of religion, the term cult is a part of the subdivision of religious groups into sects, cults, denominations and ecclesias. The sociologists Rodney Stark and William S. Bainbridge define in their book "Theory of Religion" and subsequent works cults as "deviant religious organization with novel beliefs and practices", that is as new religious movements that unlike sects have not separated from another religious organization. Cults, in this sense, may or may not be dangerous, abusive, etc. By this definition, most of the groups which have been popularly labeled cults are indeed cults.=

Methodological issues and challenges

=
The field of cults and new religious movements is studied by sociologists, religious scholars, psychologists and psychiatrists. The debates about purported cults are often polarized with widely divergent opinions, not only among current followers of and disaffected former members, but also among scholars and social scientists. Scholars that challenge the validity of critical former members' testimonies as the basis for studying a religious group include David G. Bromley, Anson Shupe, Brian R. Wilson, and Lonnie Kliever. Bromley and Shupe, who studied the social influences on these testimonies asserts that the apostate in his current role is likely to present a caricature of his former group and that the stories of critical ex-members who defect from groups that are subversive (defined as groups with few allies and many opponents) tend to have the form of "captivity narratives" (i.e. the narratives depict the stay in the group as involuntary). Wilson introduces the atrocity story that is rehearsed by the apostate to explain how, by manipulation, coercion or deceit, he was recruited to a group that he now condemns. Introvigne found in his study of the New Acropolis in France, that public negative testimonies and attitudes were only voiced by a minority of the ex-members, who he describes as becoming "professional enemies" of the group they leave. Kliever, when asked by the Church of Scientology to give his opinion on the reliability of apostate accounts of their former religious beliefs and practices, writes that these dedicated opponents present a distorted view of the new religions and cannot be regarded as reliable informants by responsible journalists, scholars, or jurists. He claims that the reason for the lack of reliability of apostates is due to the traumatic nature of disaffiliation that he compares to a divorce and also due the influence of the anti-cult movement even on those apostates who were not deprogrammed or received exit counseling. Scholars who tend to side more with critical former members include David C. Lane, Louis Jolyon West, Margaret Singer, Stephen A. Kent, Benjamin Beith-Hallahmi and Benjamin Zablocki. The latter performed an empirical study that showed that the reliability of former members is equal to that of stayers in one particular group. Philip Lucas found the same empirical results. According to Lewis F. Carter, the reliability and validity of the testimonies of believers are influenced by the tendency to justify affiliation with the group and the testimonies of former members and apostates are influenced by a variety of factors. Besides, the interpretative frame of members tends to change strongly upon conversion and disaffection and hence may strongly influence their narratives. Carter affirms that the degree of knowledge of different (ex-)members about their (former) group is highly diverse, especially in hierarchically organized groups. Using his experience at Rajneeshpuram (the intentional community of the followers of Rajneesh) as an example, he claims that the social influence exerted by the group may influence the accounts of ethnographers and of participant observers. He proposes a method he calls ''triangulation'' as the best method to study groups, by utilizing three accounts: these of believers, apostates and ethnographers. Carter asserts that this is difficult to put into practice 21. Daniel Carson Johnson wrote that even this method rarely succeeds in making assertions with certitude.James Richardson writes that there is a large number of groups and a tendency among scholars to make unjustified generalizations about them based on a select sample of observations life in cults or the testimonies of (ex-)members. According to Richardson this tendency is responsible for the widely divergent opinions about cults among scholars and social scientists.Eileen Barker (2001) wrote that critical former members of cults complain that academic observers only notice what the leadership wants them to see.''See also Apostasy in new religious movemets, and Apostates and Apologists''.

Christianity and Cults


Since at least the 1940s, the approach of orthodox or conservative or fundamentalist Christians was to apply the meaning of ''cult'' such that it included those religious groups who used (possibly exclusively) non-standard translations of the Bible, put additional revelation on a similar or higher level than the Bible or had practices deviant from those of traditional Christianity. Some examples of sources (with published dates where known) that documented this approach are:* ''Heresies and Cults'', by J.Oswald Sanders, pub.1948.

  • ''Cults and Isms'', by J.Oswald Sanders, pub.1962, 1969, 1980 (Arrowsmith), ISBN 0 551 00458 4.

  • ''Chaos of the Cults'', by J.K.van Baalen.

  • ''Heresies Exposed'', by W.C.Irvine.

  • ''Confusion of Tongues'', by C.W.Ferguson.

  • ''Isms New and Old'', by Julius Bodensieck.

  • ''Some Latter-Day Religions'', by G.H.Combs.In contrast of this, some people consider fundamentalism a cult in itself.

    Cults and terrorism

    The terrorist waves due to Islamic extremist organizations starting with the 1995 Islamist terror bombings in France and Al-Qaeda's acts of terrorism, have resulted in the comparison of Al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups to the ancient Hassan-i-Sabah cult. The Sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway in 1995, by members of Aum Shinrikyo has also raised awareness on the danger of groups that adopt extreme views commonly associated with destructive cults.

    Theories about the reasons for joining a cult

    Michael Langone gives three different models regarding joining a cult :

:''"The definitional ambiguity surrounding the term cult has fueled much controversy regarding why people join cults and other unorthodox groups. Three apparently conflicting models attempt to account for conversion to unorthodox groups. The deliberative model, favored by most sociologists and religious scholars, says that people join because of what they think about the group. The psychodynamic model, favored by many mental health professionals with little direct experience with cultists, says that people join because of what the group does for them-namely, fulfill unconscious psychological needs. The thought reform model, favored by many mental health professionals who have worked with large numbers of cultists, says that people join because of what the group does to them- that is, because of a systematic program of psychological manipulation that exploits, rather than fulfills, needs."''According to Gallanter, typical reasons why people join cults include a search for community and a spiritual quest.Jeffrey Hadden summarizes a lecture named "Why Do People Join NRMs?" (a lecture in a series related to the sociology of new religious movements) as follows:# Belonging to groups is a natural human activity;

  1. People belong to religious groups for essentially the same reasons they belong to other groups;

  2. Conversion is generally understood as an emotionally charged experience that leads to a dramatic reorganization of the convert's life;

  3. Conversion varies enormously in terms of the intensity of the experience and the degree to which it actually alters the life of the convert;

  4. Conversion is one, but not the only reason people join religious groups;

  5. Social scientists have offered a number of theories to explain why people join religious groups;

  6. Most of these explanations could apply equally well to explain why people join lots of other kinds of groups;

  7. No one theory can explain all joinings or conversions;

  8. What all of these theories have in common (deprivation theory excluded) is the view that joining or converting is a natural process.Stark and Bainbridge have questioned the utility of the concept of ''conversion''. They suggest, instead, that the concept of ''affiliation'' is a more useful concept for understanding how people join religious groups.

    Cult leadership

    According to Dr. Eileen Barker, new religions are in most cases started by charismatic leaders whom she considers unpredictable. According to Mikael Rothstein, there is in many cases no access to plain facts both about historical religious leaders and contemporary ones, though there is an abundance of legends, myths, and theological elaborations. According to Rothstein most members of any new religious movement have little chance of a personal meeting with the ''Master'' (leader) except as a member of big audience when the Master is present on stage. See also ''Role of charismatic figures in the development of religions''



Development of cults

Cults based on charismatic leadership often follow the routinization of charisma, as described by the German sociologist Max Weber. The death of the founder may lead to a succession crisis.

Relationships with the outside world

Barer wrote that peripheral members may help to lessen the tension that exists between some groups and the outside world. 27In the case where members live in intentional communities, custody disputes (if one parent leaves and one stays) may be a source of confrontation between the cult and the outside world.

Cults: genuine concerns and exaggerations

The stigma surrounding the classification of a group as a cult stems from the purported ill effect the group's influence has on its members. The narratives of ill effect include threats presented by a cult to its members (whether real or perceived), and risks to the ''physical'' safety of its members and to their mental and ''spiritual'' growth. Much of the actions taken against cults and alleged cults have been in reaction to the harm experienced by some members due to their affiliation with the groups in question. Members of alleged cult groups have taken pains to emphasize that not all groups called cults are dangerous. Over a period of time, some minority religious organizations that were at one point in time considered cults have been accepted by mainstream society, such as Mormonism, the Amish, and Christian Science in the USA, though the last is faced with renewed opposition lately. Brochure of the Peoples Temple, portraying its founder Jim Jones as the loving father of the "Rainbow Family". ]]Certain cults, such as Heaven's Gate, Ordre du Temple Solaire, Aum Shinrikyo, and the Peoples Temple have demonstrated by their actions that they do pose a threat to the well-being of both their own members and to society in general; these organizations are often referred to as doomsday cults by the media, and their mass suicides and mass murders are well-documented. According to John R. Hall, a professor in sociology at the University of California-Davis and Philip Schuyler, the Peoples Temple is still seen by some as ''the'' cultus classicus,, though it did not belong to the set of groups that triggered the cult controversy in United States in the 1970s. Its mass suicide on November 18, 1978 led to increased concern about cults. Other groups include the Colonia Dignidad cult (a German group settled in Chile) that served as a torture center for the Chilean government during the Pinochet dictatorship.Certain other groups, while not universally condemned, remain suspect in the minds of the general public, such as Scientology and to a lesser extent the Unification Church and the Children of God. A problem in studying such high-profile groups is to distinguish between a group's public image (which may have become fixed decades earlier) and the group's actual practices in the here and now. This is especially important when one is studying a group whose founder has died or which has splintered, or a group with foreign origins that is gradually integrating itself into another culture. It is worth noting that despite the emphasis on narratives of "doomsday cults" by the media and the anti-cult movement, the number of cults known to have fallen into that category is approximately ten, which is very few when compared with the total number of new religious movements (including cults that are psychologically destructive but not extremely violent or doomsday-oriented), which E. Barker estimates to be in the tens of thousands. According to Benjamin Zablocki, the professor in Sociology at Rutgers University, cults are at high risk of becoming abusive to members. He states that this is in part due to members' adulation of charismatic leaders contributing to the leaders becoming corrupted by power. Zablocki defines a cult here as an ideological organization held together by charismatic relationships and demanding total commitment.There is no reliable, generally accepted way to determine which groups will harm their members. In an attempt to predict the probability of harm, popular but non-scientific cult checklists have been created by anti-cultists for this purpose.According to Barrett the most common accusation made against alleged "cults" is sexual abuse. See some allegations made by former members.According to Kranenborg, some groups, like Christian Science and Jehovah's Witnesses are risky when they advise their members not to use regular medical care.Barker, Barrett, and the anti-cult activist Steven Hassan all advise seeking information from various sources about a certain group before getting deeply involved, though these sources differ in the urgency they suggest.

Stigmatization and discrimination

Some feel that the terms "cult" and "cult leader" are used pejoratively by opponents of cults, asserting that they are to be avoided to prevent harm. A website affiliated with Adi Da Samraj http://www.firmstand.org/ sees the activities of cult opponents as the exercise of prejudice and discrimination against them, and regards the use of the words "cult" and "cult leader" as similar to the manner in which "nigger" and "commie" were used in the past to denigrate blacks and Communists. In an essay by Amy Ryan, the argument is made for the need to differentiate those groups which may be dangerous from groups that are more benign. Ryan refers to '' New Religious Movements: Some Problems of Definition'', were George Chryssides identifies two types of definitions: opponents define them in terms of negative characteristics, while scholars attempt to study these groups and be value free. The movements themselves may have different definitions of religion as well. Chryssides cites a need to develop more appropriate definitions to and allow for common ground in the debate. These definitions have political and ethical impact beyond just scholarly debate. In ''Defining Religion in American Law'', for example, Bruce J. Casino presents the issue as crucial to international human rights laws. Limiting the definition of religion may interfere with freedom of religion, while too broad a definition may give some dangerous or abusive groups "a limitless excuse for avoiding all unwanted legal obligations."Also several authors in the cult opposition are not happy with the word cult. Some definitions used imply that there is a continuum with a large gray area separating "cult" from "noncult". Others authors, e.g. Steven Hassan differentiate by using terms like Destructive cult or ''Cult (totalitarian type) vs. benign cult.

Leaving a cult

There are basically three ways people leave a cult ,* by intervention (Exit counseling, deprogramming)

  • on their own decision (walkaways)

  • through expulsion (castaways)The majority of authors agree that there are some people who experience problems after leaving a cult. There are, though, disagreements regarding the frequency of such problems and regarding the cause.According to Barker (1989), the biggest worry about possible harm concerns the relatively few dedicated followers of a new religious movement (NRM). Barker also mentions that some former members may not take new initatives for quite a long time after disaffiliation from the NRM. This generally does not concern the many superficial, or short-lived, or peripheral supporters of a NRM. Membership in a cult usually does not last forever: 90% or more of cult members ultimately leave their group,.According to Carol Giambalvo, most people leaving a cult do have to a certain degree psychological problems like feelings of guilt or shame, depression, feeling of inadequacy, or fear, independent of their manner of leaving the cult. Feelings of guilt, shame or anger are by her observation worst with castaways, but walkaways can also have serious problems with feeling inadequate or guilty. People who had interventions or a rehabilitation therapy do have similar problems but are usually better prepared to deal with them.Bromley and Hadden say that there is lack of empirical support for alleged consequences of having been a member of a cult or sect, and that there is substantial empirical evidence against it such as, the fact that the overwhelming proportion of people who get involved in NRMs do leave, most short of two years, the overwhelming proportion of people leave of their own volition, and that two-thirds (67%) felt "wiser for the experience".Flo and Conway in ''Snapping'' described a survey regarding after-cult effects and deprogramming and concluded that people deprogrammed had less problems than people not deprogrammed.:

"...Our last block of findings concerned the controversial issue of deprogramming. The numbers confirmed that deprogramming was indeed a vital first step on the road back from cult control. Nearly three-quarters (73%) of the people in our survey were deprogrammed, about half voluntarily and half involuntarily. As a group, they reported a third less, and in many cases only half as many, post-cult effects than those who werenat deprogrammed. Average rehabilitation time was one-third longermore than a year and a halffor those who werenat deprogrammed compared to just over a year for those who were. Overall, deprogrammees reported a third fewer months of depression, forty percent less disorientation, half as many sleepless nightsclearly, something in the process worked! ..." The BBC writes that in a survey done by Jill Mytton on 200 former cult members most of them reported problems adjusting to society and about a third would benefit from some counseling. Burks (2002) in a study comparing Group Psychological Abuse Scale (GPA9 and Neurological Impairment Scale (NIS) scores in 132 former members of cults and cultic relationships found a positive correlation between intensity of thought reform environment as measured by the GPA and cognitive impairment as measured by the NIS. Additional findings were a reduced earning potential in view of the education level which corroborates earlier studies of cult critics ( (Martin 1993; Singer & Ofshe, 1990; West & Martin, 1994) and significant levels of depression and dissociation agreeing with Conway & Siegelman, (1982), Lewis & Bromley, (1987) and Martin, et al. (1992). According to Barret, in many cases the problems do not happen while in a movement, but when leaving a movement which can be difficult for some members and may include a lot of trauma. Reasons for this trauma may include conditioning by the religious movement, avoidance of uncertainties about life and its meaning, having had powerful religious experiences, love for the founder of the religion, emotional investment, fear of losing salvation, bonding with other members, anticipation of the realization that time, money and efforts donated to the group were a waste, and the new freedom with its corresponding responsibilities, especially for people who lived in a community. Those reasons may prevent a member from leaving even if the member realizes that some things in the NRM are wrong. According to Kranenborg, in some religious groups, like the Jehovah's Witnesses, members have all their social contacts within the group, which makes disaffection and disaffiliation very traumatic. According to F. Derks and J. van der Lans there is no uniform post-cult trauma but psychological and social problems upon resignation are not rare but their character and intensity are greatly dependent on the personal history and on the traits of the person, and on the reasons for and way of resignation.See also Shunning

Criticism by former members of purported cults

Allegations against cults come from a variety of sources including parents, relatives and close friends of cult members (who believe their loved one has undergone a personality change for the worse); victims of scams perpetrated by some cults; people who go to a few meetings and then back away out of fear; researchers who carefully study a cult's published literature; persons raised in cults who left after coming of age; and former adult members.Usually the most dramatic allegations as well as the most systematic and detailed ones, will come from adult former members (also known by the pejorative term "apostates" in the writings of so-called cult apologists such as Melton) and in some instances from persons who were raised in the cult. The allegations of former members include sexual abuse by the leader, failed promises and failed prophecy, causing suicides through neglect or abuse, leaders who do not admit nor apologize for mistakes, false irrational or even contradictory teachings, exclusivism, deception in recruitment (by using "front groups"), demands of total immersion in religion at the expense of career, education, family and friends, and more.The role of former members in the controversy surrounding cults, has been widely studied by social scientists. Former members in this context are those individuals who become public opponents against their former movement. The former members' motivations, the roles they play in the anti-cult movement, the validity of their testimony, and the kinds of narratives they construct, are controversial with some scholars who suspect that at least some of the narratives are strongly influenced by the exit-counseling (or formerly of the deprogramming) process, while other scholars conclude that testimonies of former members are at least as accurate as testimonies of current members.See also Apostasy in new religious movements.

Allegations made by scholars and skeptics

*False, irrational or even contradictory teaching made by David C. Lane with regards to Paul Twitchell

By one measure, between 3,000 and 5,000 purported cults existed in the United States in 1995. While some of the more well-known and influential of these groups are frequently labelled as cults, the majority of these groups vigorously protest the label and refuse to be classified as such, and often expend great efforts in public relations campaigns to rid themselves of the stigma associated with of the term ''cult''. In order to maintain a neutral point of view, a list of purported cults presents a listing of groups labeled as cults by various non-related, reasonably unbiased sources.

Cults and governments

  • Bromley, David et al.: ''Cults, Religion, and Violence'', 2002, ISBN 0521668980

  • Melton, Gordon: ''Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America'', 1992, ISBN 0815311400

  • House, Wayne: ''Charts of Cults, Sects, and Religious Movements'', 2000, ISBN 0310385512

  • Lalich, Janja: ''Bounded Choice: True Believers and Charismatic Cults'', 2004, ISBN 0520240189

  • Landau Tobias, Madeleine et al. : ''Captive Hearts, Captive Minds'', 1994, ISBN 0897931440

  • Martin, Walter et al.: ''The Kingdom of the Cults'', 2003, ISBN 0764228218

  • Oakes, Len: ''Prophetic Charisma: The Psychology of Revolutionary Religious Personalities'', 1997, ISBN 0815603983 Excerpts

  • Singer, Margaret Thaler: ''Cults in Our Midst : The Continuing Fight Against Their Hidden Menace'', 1992, ISBN 0787967416 Excerpts

  • Tourish, Dennis: '''On the Edge: Political Cults Right and Left'', 2000, ISBN 0765606399

  • Zablocki, Benjamin et al.: ''Misunderstanding Cults: Searching for Objectivity in a Controversial Field'', 2001, ISBN 0802081886

  • Barker, E. (1989) ''New Religious Movements: A Practical Introduction'', London, HMSO

  • Enroth, Ronald. (1992) ''Churches that Abuse'', Zondervan, ISBN 0310532906

    Articles



  • Langone, Michael: Cults: Questions and Answers

  • Lifton, Robert Jay: ''Cult Formation'', ''The Harvard Mental Health Letter'', February 1991 http://www.csj.org/infoserv_articles/lifton_robert.htm

  • Moyers. Jim: ''Psychological Issues of Former Members of Restrictive Religious Groups'' http://home.earthlink.net/%7Ejcmmsm/article/index.html

  • Richmond, Lee J. :''When Spirituality Goes Awry: Students in Cults'', Professional School Counseling, June 2004 http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0KOC/is_5_7/ai_n6121244

  • Rogge. Michael: ''On the psychology of spiritual movements''

  • Shaw, Daniel: ''Traumatic abuse in cults''

  • Rosedale, Herbert et al.: ''On Using the Term "Cult"'' http://www.csj.org/infoserv_articles/langone_michael_term_cult.htm

  • Van Hoey, Sara: ''Cults in Court'' The Los Angeles Lawyer, February 1991 http://www.csj.org/infoserv_articles/van_hoey_sara_cults_in_court.htm

  • Zimbardo, Philip: ''What messages are behind today's cults?'', American Psychological Association Monitor, May 1997 http://www.csj.org/infoserv_articles/zimbardo_philip_messeges.htm

  • Aronoff, Jodi; Lynn, Steven Jay; Malinosky, Peter. ''Are cultic environments psychologically harmful?'', ''Clinical Psychology Review'', 2000, Vol. 20 #1 pp. 91-111